Southern States Set for Major Gains in Post-2030 Congressional Seats

Big Changes Ahead for Voting Maps After Next Census

Anticipated Shifts in U.S. House Seats Reflect Population Trends

Recent population estimates from the Census Bureau suggest substantial changes in the distribution of House seats following the 2030 census. If current trends persist, the Brennan Center projects that the South could gain a remarkable nine seats, marking the largest single-decade increase for the region.

Florida and Texas appear poised for significant increases, each potentially gaining four seats, with Texas nearing the possibility of a fifth. North Carolina is also likely to expand its congressional representation by one seat.

These shifts are largely attributed to growth among communities of color. Data released over the summer highlight that over 84% of the South’s population increase from 2022 to 2023 stemmed from Black, Latino, and Asian communities. Notably, over half of the growth was represented by the Latino population, with states like Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, and Texas seeing the majority of this expansion.

Conversely, California and New York, experiencing significant population declines this decade, are projected to lose four and two districts respectively. This would mark only the second instance of California losing representation, with the first occurring this decade when it lost one seat.

Additionally, Illinois, Minnesota, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin are each expected to see a reduction of one seat. If projections hold, the South is set to occupy a record 164 seats in the House in the next decade, signaling a major transformation. Historically, after the 1960 reapportionment, the South had a similar number of representatives compared to the Midwest and Northeast. However, due to ongoing demographic shifts, nearly 40% of the House could be comprised of southerners by the next decade.

These potential changes could also impact the political landscape, particularly affecting Electoral College calculations starting with the 2032 election. For instance, Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris could win the Electoral College in 2024 by securing the states she carried previously, including Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District, plus Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. By 2032, that strategy might not suffice. With electoral votes shifting southward, a Democrat winning the Blue Wall states along with Arizona and Nevada might only secure a narrow 276–262 victory.

However, these projections are subject to change. The forthcoming years may bring variations, especially if the political climate impacts immigration policies. A new Trump administration could potentially alter the demographic landscape by implementing stricter immigration controls, affecting states with high immigrant populations.

The pattern of Americans relocating from states such as California, New York, and Pennsylvania could also change. Recent census data suggests a possible slowdown or partial reversal in these trends. Should these trends continue, California and New York might lose three and one seat, respectively, instead of four and two.

Another factor influencing these outcomes could be the accuracy of the forthcoming census. States like California and New York invested heavily in promoting census participation, while others like Texas spent little, impacting their respective apportionment outcomes. Efforts to add a citizenship question to the census might also affect participation rates among immigrant communities, which could further influence state representation.

In summary, while specific state-level changes may vary due to multiple factors, the broader shifts in political power appear significant as we approach the 2030 census. The coming decade is likely to see some of the most profound transformations in congressional representation in recent history.

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